Tag Archives: COI

What conflict of interest accusations really mean (with a tie to The Times’s attack on GTNF participants)

by Carl V Phillips

Public health activists are extremely fond of using ad hominem attacks to avoid admitting they have no substantive defense against their critics. They are not alone, of course, with many supporters of other indefensible causes doing the same — e.g., anti-agritech activists, “alternative” energy advocates, alt-right adolescents on Twitter, etc. These attacks most often take the form of claiming “conflict of interest”. Endless ink has been spilled on the fact that resorting to an ad hominem attack is practically an admission that one’s opponent is right. But there is far too little discussion about the actual substantive content of the COI. Basically, what is dressed up as genteel productive discussion is actually a bald accusation that someone is lying, and moreover usually that they are only choosing to lie because of some (often trivial) transfer of funds. Continue reading

An old letter to the editor about Glantz’s ad hominems

by Carl V Phillips

I am going through some of my old files of unpublished (or, more often, only obscurely published) material, and though I would post some of it. While I suspect you will find this a poor substitute for my usual posts, I hope there is some interest (and implicit lessons for those who think any of this is new), and posting a few of these will keep this blog going for a few weeks.

This one, from 2009, was written as a letter to the editor (rejected by the journal — surprise!) by my team at the University of Alberta School of Public Health. It was about this rant, “Tobacco Industry Efforts to Undermine Policy-Relevant Research” by Stanton Glantz and one of his deluded minions, Anne Landman, published in the American Journal of Public Health (non-paywalled version if for some unfathomable reason you actually want to read it). The authorship of our letter was Catherine M Nissen, Karyn K Heavner, me, and Lisa Cockburn. 

The letter read:

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Landman and Glantz’s paper in the January 2009 issue of AJPH is a litany of ad hominem attacks on those who have been critical of Glantz’s work, with no actual defense of that work. This paper seems to be based on the assumption that a researcher’s criticism should be dismissed if it is possible to identify funding that might have motivated the criticism. However, for this to be true it must be that: (1) there is such funding, (2) there is reason to believe the funding motivated the criticism, and (3) the criticism does not stand on its own merit. The authors devote a full 10 pages to (1), but largely ignore the key logical connection, (2). This is critical because if we step back and look at the motives of funders (rather than just using funding as an excuse for ignoring our opponents), we see that researchers tend to get funding from parties that are interested in their research, even if the researcher did not seek funding from that party (Marlow, 2008).

Most important, the authors completely ignore (3). Biased motives (whether related to funding or not) can certainly make us nervous that authors have cited references selectively, or in an epidemiology study have chopped away years of data to exaggerate an estimated association, or have otherwise hidden something. [Note: In case it is not obvious, these are subtle references to Glantz’s own methods.] But a transparent valid critique is obviously not impeached by claims of bias. The article’s only defense against the allegation that Glantz’s reporting “was uncritical, unsupportable and unbalanced” is to point to supposed “conflicts of interest” of the critics. If Glantz had an argument for why his estimates are superior to the many competing estimates or why the critiques were wrong, this would seem a convenient forum for this defense, but no such argument appears. Rather, throughout this paper it seems the reader is expected to assume that Glantz’s research is infallible, and that any critiques are unfounded. This is never the case with any research conducted, and surely the authors must be aware that any published work is open to criticism.

Indeed, presumably there are those who disagree with Glantz’s estimates who conform to his personal opinions about who a researcher should be taking funding from, and yet we see no response to them. For example, even official statistics that accept the orthodoxy about second hand smoke include a wide range of estimates (e.g., the California Environmental Protection Agency (2005) estimated it causes 22,700-69,600 cardiac deaths per year), and much of the range implies Glantz’s estimates are wrong. But in a classic example of “a-cell epidemiology” [Note: This is a metaphoric reference to the 2×2 table of exposure status vs. disease status; the cell counting individuals with the exposure and the disease is usually labeled “a”.], Glantz has collected exposed cases to report, but tells us nothing of his critics who are not conveniently vulnerable to ad hominem attacks.

It is quite remarkable that given world history, and not least the recent years in the U.S., people seem willing to accept government as unbiased and its claims as infallible. Governments are often guilty of manipulating research (Kempner, 2008). A search of the Computer Retrieval of Information on Scientific Projects database (http://report.nih.gov/crisp/CRISPQuery.aspx) on the National Institute of Health’s website found that one of the aims of the NCI grant that funded Landman and Glantz’s research (specified in their acknowledgement statement) is to “Continue to describe and assess the tobacco industry’s evolving strategies to influence the conduct, interpretation, and dissemination of science and how the industry has used these strategies to oppose tobacco control policies.” Cleary this grant governs not only the topic but also the conclusions of the research, a priori concluding that the tobacco industry continues to manipulate research, and motivating the researcher to write papers that support this. Surely it is difficult to imagine a clearer conflict of interest than, “I took funding that required me to try to reach a particular conclusion.”

The comment “[t]hese efforts can influence the policymaking process by silencing voices critical of tobacco industry interests and discouraging other scientists from doing research that may expose them to industry attacks” is clearly ironic. It seems to describe exactly what the authors are attempting to do to Glantz’s critics, discredit and silence them, to say nothing of Glantz’s concerted campaign to destroy the career of one researcher whose major study produced a result Glantz did not like (Enstrom, 2007; Phillips, 2008). If Glantz were really interested in improving science and public health, rather than defending what he considers to be his personal turf, he would spend his time explaining why his numbers are better. Instead, he spends his time outlining (and then not even responding to) the history of critiques of his work, offering only his personal opinions about the affiliations of his critics in his defense.

References

1. Landman, A., and Glantz, Stanton A. Tobacco Industry Efforts to Undermine Policy-Relevant Research. American Journal of Public Health. January 2009; 99(1):1-14.

2. Marlow, ML. Honestly, Who Else Would Fund Such Research? Reflections of a Non-Smoking Scholar. Econ Journal Watch. 2008 May; 5(2):240-268.

3. California Environmental Protection Agency. Identification of Environmental Tobacco Smoke as a Toxic Air Contaminant. Executive Summary. June 2005.

4. Kempner, J. The Chilling Effect: How Do Researchers React to Controversy? PLoS Medicine 2008; 5(11):e222.

5. Enstrom, JE. Defending legitimate epidemiologic research: combating Lysenko pseudoscience. Epidemiologic Perspectives & Innovations 2007, 4:11.

6. Phillips, CV. Commentary: Lack of scientific influences on epidemiology. International Journal of Epidemiology. 2008 Feb;37(1):59-64; discussion 65-8.

7. Libin, K. Whither the campus radical? Academic Freedom. National Post. October 1, 2007.

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Our conflict of interest statement submitted with this was — as has long been my practice — an actual recounting of our COIs, unlike anything Glantz or anyone in tobacco control would ever write. It read:

The authors have experienced a history of attacks by those, like Glantz, who wish to silence heterodox voices in the area of tobacco research; our attackers have included people inside the academy (particularly the administration of the University of Alberta School of Public Health (National Post, 2007)), though not Glantz or his immediate colleagues as far as we know. The authors are advocates of enlightened policies toward tobacco and nicotine use, and of improving the conduct of epidemiology, which place us in political opposition to Glantz and his colleagues. The authors conduct research on tobacco harm reduction and receive support in the form of a grant to the University of Alberta from U.S. Smokeless Tobacco Company; our research would not be possible if Glantz et al. succeeded in their efforts to intimidate researchers and universities into enforcing their monopoly on funding. Unlike the grant that supported Glantz’s research, our grant places no restrictions on the use of the funds, and certainly does not pre-ordain our conclusions. The grantor is unaware of this letter, and thus had no input or influence on it. Dr. Phillips has consulted for U.S. Smokeless Tobacco Company in the context of product liability litigation and is a member of British American Tobacco’s External Scientific Panel.

Newsflash: Tobacco companies are incredibly timid

by Carl V Phillips

In the previous post, I commented upon the most recent in the endless series of analysis-free and truth-free McCarthyist demands from “public health” to censor industry-funded research (as well as upon what I felt was an inadequate retort to it). I quipped on Twitter that every time I read one of those pieces, I feel like I am reading @DPRK_News. If you are not familiar, that is a great parody feed that satirizes what official communications from North Korea might say about domestic and foreign events. The parody is grounded in filtering events through over-the-top premises about the depravity of the West and the success of the North Korean government. It is not exactly a mystery why the political statements of core “public health” people resemble what we might expect to hear from a cult of personality that keeps its subjects completely cut off from reality, bragging about its performance (which is, of course, mind-boggling disastrous), while making up crazy stories about the rest of the world. Continue reading

A give-and-take on censoring ecig research that gets almost everything wrong

by Carl V Phillips

I have watched with some amusement the swirl of attention around this op-ed (for that is what it is) by Jim McCambridge, in the journal Addiction, calling for further censorship of THR research, and this response to it in a blog post by Neil McKeganey and Christopher Russell. My amusement is first because it seems like this exchange feels like it was written 15 years ago and second because of the huge oversights by all involved. Continue reading

SRNT believes research should be replicated (when they don’t like the results)

by Carl V Phillips

My attention was called to this gem of an editorial, “Conflicts of Interest and Solicited Replication Attempts” by the Nicotine and Tobacco Research (NTR) Editor-in-Chief, Marcus Munafò. NTR is the journal of the Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco (SRNT) and the slightly more honest and scientifically sound of the anti-tobacco journals. This editorial offers a new and different reflection on just how out of touch with real science tobacco controllers are. Continue reading

Sunday Science Lesson: So much of what is wrong with public health, in one short rejection letter

by Carl V Phillips

I finally got around to submitting our study about the failure of peer review in public health. (If someone wants to write a guest science lesson post about how to be more efficient about just getting things done instead of letting them languish, it would be most welcome.) We had decided to submit it first to BMC Public Health (BMCPH), the journal whose reviews and publications we studied. You might recall that we discovered that the journal reviews we analyzed were mostly content-free, or close to it, despite the many serious problems we (Igor Burstyn, Brian Carter, and I, with contributions from Clive Bates) identified in the submissions. The journal peer-review process did not manage to fix any of the major problems — not the fatal flaws that should have sent the paper back to the drawing board, nor even the simpler errors that could have been fixed with a rewrite. We decided we owed it to BMCPH to give them the chance to step up and publish the paper, and perhaps then do some soul-searching about it. Continue reading

Complaints about conflict of interest are designed to maximize conflict of interest

by Carl V Phillips

A colleague who found himself the target of the “you have a conflict of interest!” bullshit game was invited to write his analysis of the nature of conflict of interest as it relates to e-cigarette research. He asked me for input and several points occurred to me. I am writing them up here, in an admittedly disorganized fashion, for possible use in that project. Continue reading

Why is there anti-THR? (2) “Not Invented Here” syndrome

by Carl V Phillips

Continuing this series from the previous post, I want to start with an explanation for why the opinion leaders genuinely oppose THR that may not make for good inflammatory rhetoric, but is a critical part of the narrative. Though it is not a dominant force anymore, I believe it represents the origin story for why anti-THR became established in the first place.

The one-sentence version that I often offer is: Those who spent their careers trying to get people to stop smoking, but accomplished almost nothing[*], resent the possibility of smoking being substantially reduced in spite of their efforts rather than because of them. Continue reading